Unity by Peaceful means is an Exploit
that Deserves a Millennium[1]
By
The Roobdoon Forum
In severely divided societies,
ethnic [clan] identity provides clear lines to determine who will be included
and who will be excluded. Since the
lines appear unalterable, being in and being out may quickly come to look
permanent. In [clan] politics, inclusion
may affect the distribution of important material and non-material goods,
including the prestige of the various [clan] groups and the identity of the
state as belonging more to one group than another.[2]
Donald L. Horowitz, Professor of
Political Science at
The Somali communities
were never before approached on a democratic basis. Nevertheless, in four months in 1993, fifty
nine district councils were formed, as well as five regional councils. Aideed had wanted
to use this to control the eventual Transitional National Council. When he couldn’t, the Pakistani soldiers were
killed. In January 1994, the district
council and regional council formation process halted. It now exits only on paper.[3]
Former UNISOM
official, Human Rights Watch interview,
At
the time the above observations were made, the
Has
the Puntland Administration been able to satisfy
those yearnings, aspirations, and fears expressed at its inception, especially
among its minority groups? Our approach
to this question is an empirical investigation of the patterns of electoral
allocations – particularly the distribution of seats in Bossaaso
district councils. This is with a view
to determining which sub-clan actually gets what and why.
The
focus of this paper is how the electoral seats allocated to Axmed
Harti clan hamper the process of democratizing our
society; and therefore, the Roobdoon Forum calls for
greater entrenched district-council power sharing. Axmed Harti clan (otherwise known as the indigenous clan of Bossaaso and its environment) constitute a significant
percentage of the total population of
I. Historical Background
We,
the Forum, are aware of some “triumphalist” clannish
quasi-historiography in the making since the collapse of the
Bossaaso is a historical settlement and seaport for
nearly two centuries (see footnote).[4] Throughout its historical period, the seaport
was commercially dynamic. The city,
traditionally known as Bandar Qaasim, is
socio-culturally identified as Axmed Harti enclave, an identification similarly given to Abgaal clan in Muqdisho and its
environs by the current Transitional Government of Somalia – by appointing its
mayoral office to a member of Abgaal/Mudulood clan,
without universal suffrage. The genesis
of this clan-territorial identification originated from the nomadic culture of
the Somalis, whereby a sedentary settlement, even if it becomes a metropolitan,
is still identified as the constituency of the earliest communities who laid
its foundations.
We do
not wish to resort to the ancient history of Bossaaso
and its inhabitants for the simple reason of proving whose ownership/ or constituency
it was in our history. However, as is the case in Kismaayo
(another contested seaport in southern Somalia), Maxamed
Harti elites often not shy away from pushing back the
history of Kismaayo to decades or more, in order to
justify and form the ownership rights of that constituency. For that reason only, we will not avert to
address what is largely hitherto, an Axmed Harti’s neglected theme – namely the conceptualization of
territorial ownership through alien (i.e. colonial) discourse and maps. In his monograph which was published in 1909,
an Italian traveler, Giulio Baldacci, affirms Axmed Harti sub-clans (Gabtaanle and Deshishe) as the
founders of Bossaaso (also known as Bandar Qaasim) when he states:
About 3 ½ hours’ walk
from Bet Nur, we came to Bander
Kasnin (also called by the Arabs: the native name is Bosaso), which was built about sixty years ago, the Kaptallah (a seafaring tribe, now almost extinct) being the
first to build few huts there. They were
joined by, not long after, by the Deshishe.[5]
For
centuries, Axmed Harti
coastal people (Bossaaso inhabitants) exploited
marine resources for food and an early engagement in overseas trade, linking
parts of
In
the 1990s, the International Community became aware of the very crest of the
great immigrant wave towards Bossaaso. For the first time, the city’s tradition of
tolerance was noticed by the Western press, dominating the headlines of many
prominent newspapers.
Left to fend for
itself, Bosasso has become a refuge from
anarchy. Even those from other clans
other than Darod, who have long dominated the
northeast, say they are welcomed. “These
people if you tell them you are hungry, they give something,” said Abdalla Essa, a wrinkled old man
who came from
Consequently,
at the turn of the new millennium, ½ of Bossaaso’s
inhabitants are displaced people and immigrants seeking opportunities, and the
fraction is increasing rapidly – as long as Bossaaso
is viewed as save, hospitable, and an economic opportunity district. Not only to judge the headlines of Western
media but also the large refugee influx that the city has welcomed from as far
as
II. The
District Council System: a development asset or an impediment
In
the past 15 years, Somalis have paid dear prices and suffered unprecedented
catastrophe. Since the collapse of the
Theoretically,
the system is intended to allow the formation of local structures which reflect
the composition of the local population.
Political scientists refer to the system as a form of “proportional
representation” and therefore view it as a form of democracy. The establishment of local councils, whose
members selected through a “broad based selection in accordance with Somali
tradition”, was first introduced to
The lack of
consultation with traditional authorities in each district, and the way council
seats were allocated to various communities – allocations that among other
things sometimes failed to take into account recent major population movements,
leaving the original inhabitants of a district potentially without a
representation. More commonly, district
councils were seen to have been easily packed or intimidated by war leaders of
the more powerful clans.[10]
Another
unimpressive experiment on this system has been the formation of local
structures in
Furthermore,
the besieged and odd minister, Awaare, has even tried
to calm the uproar by pointing out that the new council seats will stay, and
arresting prominent figures in the community.
This is the dilemma that the inhabitants of Bossaaso
are experiencing; and also, this allocation of district seats system is
attributed to the failure of United Nations program in Somalia in the early
1990s (see Human Rights Watch Report, April 1995, p.33). Therefore, how do we cope with these crises?
Firstly,
there are now some fundamental questions that we must seriously address our
minds to, if the idea of council formation is not to become another “UNISOM
farce” – failure. The question that has
informed us of the handling of Bossaaso local
structures is the real problem that we need to address: how do we ensure that
the process is safe from manipulation of the current ruling clan in Puntland? Secondly,
is the current process of selection merely a clan hegemonic exercise
(“vengeance” clan-politics) or will it gain ground and take off? These questions will supply us a scale for
weighing the problems and prospects of clan-legal basis for the establishment
of local districts in Puntland. In fact, the short history and controversies
surrounding the concept of proportional representation in cities such as Bossaaso provide us with a chart for navigating the murky
waters of district council manipulation process. Some scholars stress that the concept is
passing fad; that is, “in the long run, its usefulness is highly questionable
because it crystallizes and perpetuates communal differences plus the fact
that, in cases where communities are not geographically divided as in
Puntland Administration should vow to defend the
independence and the integrity of clan territories; and at the same time devise
(and not simply import foreign ideas) a comprehensive policy to help and
protect the electoral rights of groups that have recently being overwhelmed by
major movements of population in the towns such as Bossaaso. The recent district council selections in Bossaaso harmed the chances of Axmed
Harti power-sharing by unfairly diluting their
council votes in mayoral electorate. Therefore,
the Administration should strive for the direct elections (i.e. universal
suffrage) of all mayoral and governorship offices, and all council seats in all
Puntland regions and districts. If the Administration is not ready yet for
one-person-one-vote, as we expect, then it should maintain the traditional way
of power sharing and should respect historical aspects of clan territories.
III. The Emergence of a New Civil
Society: The Roobdoon Forum
As
political philosopher Frantz Fanon pointed out, “Each generation must, out of
relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it.”[12] Hence, many concerned Puntlanders
have been lately exchanging ideas and thoughts relating to the salvation of the
unity and prosperity that Puntland is relatively
enjoying. People began to assemble a
network in Bossaaso and elsewhere in the Diaspora,
very soon increasing from a group of few to hundreds. After e-mail and telephone exchanges, the Axmed Harti in Diaspora decided
to hold a flurry of brass meetings and teleconferences, as students, elders,
women, and intellectuals of the community discuss the new “vampire”
administration of Puntland and its implications. In Bossaaso, people
already gathered to resist the injustices of the Administration, which appears
not noticing the unfolding of kacdoonka Bossaaso (Bossaaso
uprising). However, numerous Somali
websites have continuously covered the cycle of unrest and agitation pouring in
the streets of Bossaaso.[13]
Clearly,
the expectations generated by the founders of
Roobdoon Forum is also aware of the approaches taken
by many Somali civil society – assuming that Somali political culture can be
equated to that of the Northerners (the West).
Although we are pushing for change in the right direction, we don’t call
ourselves a “sunlight civil society”, a term referring to a civil society that
contributes positively to its community – the term was coined by a Northern
(Western) scholar Gordon White.[14] In our environment, what we lack most is rain
(Roob) and not sunlight; thus, the Roobdoon Forum (the rain-seeking/making Forum)[15]
just advocates and prays to rain – the Forum translates, with careful analysis,
the present condition of Bossaaso inhabitants.
The
new advocacy group, the Roobdoon Forum, simply
highlights the nature of Bossaaso uprising – an
uprising that translates of local people simply taking charge, with full
powers, and assembling all relevant sectors to discuss countermeasures, and
start a dialogue with the current Administration. Too be truthful, Bossaaso
elders stated that they are exhausted in negotiation and their advices have met
deaf ears. They therefore informed the
forum that there is not much to say for an Administration that initiates a
campaign that stresses vengeance politics.
An Administration which constantly demands in their meetings that other
clans (Axmed Harti etc)
should inform themselves about the importance of regional stability and the
feelings of a certain group (probably the ruling sub-clan), and then does not
even know what Axmed Harti
grievance is about!! Not to mention the
fact that Axmed Harti
elders had informed to the Administration more than once issues that concerns
them.
Furthermore, certain clan affiliation
with Puntland administrative sectors is clear. The men who acquired nearer blood lineage
with the President came to fill positions of power, seeking in a number of ways
to differentiate themselves from their lower ranking co-workers and assuming
the task of the administration as sub-clan family affairs. The individuals and organizations controlling
all major Puntland government posts are ‘well-tied’
to exercise power within civil servant ranks.
The clipping of real authority and clan status (and nothing in between),
and the reliance by the President on his sub-clan officials to be the sole
decision makers for their fellow Puntlanders, formed
a hegemonic structure, whereby the relations between different clans are likely
to be a powder keg. Should we not
consider this a dereliction of duty on the part of the President, Maxamuud Muuse Xirsi?
The Roobdoon Forum thus announces that its members expressed
alarm and dismay at the “junta-type” activities made by the Administration’s
security forces, which have come in the wake of opposition comments (printed or
posted on the internet media). The
security forces have so far arrested or detained temporarily prominent elders
and journalists. It seems that the Administration passed judgment on the
motives of the elders and journalists.
We regret that Puntland President failed to
comment publicly on these issues.
We
wish to assure Puntland Administration in this public
manner that the Roobdoon Forum has no ulterior
motives, but it has an obligation to its people in Bossaaso
and its environment to perform the role of an effective and constructive social
organization that is pushing for change.
The Forum has a public duty to ensure that those entrusted with public
power use it lawfully. We want the Puntland Administration to clarify its position on whether
it is right for any journalist to be punished or detained for a long period of
time when no one has been found guilty.
In addition, the Forum representatives put forth the following specific
demands:
ü Since
the constitution of Puntland state that people have
rights and government has capabilities, the government should adhere to it and
exercise self-government. Since its top official were elected by the
Legislative Body and national policies are decided by public opinions, all Puntlanders (including Bossaaso
inhabitants!) should enjoy all the rights and freedom guaranteed by the
constitution and everyone is equal before the law.
ü The
release of all journalists who were arrested, since freedom of expression is by
no means an anti government activity.
ü The Puntland security forces should refrain from persecuting/or
detaining temporarily the participants of protests and freedom of expression in
peaceful means.
ü We
propose the continuation of negotiation between the two sides, so that all
sides could relinquish previous ill will and jointly accomplish the great task
of Puntland unity and prosperity.
The
only way to promote “unity by peaceful means” is to implement and promote the
following empirical approaches to clan accommodation, drawing some of these
approaches from the techniques of conflict regulating measures argued by
political scientist Eric Nordlinger[16]:
v Thwart
the plots and actions of subverting another group/clan in order to dominate/or
displace; replace hatred with benevolence; replace clan hegemony ambitions with
mutual co-operation; replace totalitarianism with freedom; and replace dictatorship
with democracy.
v Abandon
the current distribution venues for sharing Bossaaso
district seats, which has been spurned by Axmed Harti and many other clan groupings, but oddly is currently
adhered to by the Puntland Administration.
v The
need to scrub the new drawings of regional boundaries (for example, the recent
splitting in
v The
need for the de-politicization in the spheres where conflicting sub-clans agree
not to involve government because it might touch on clan values.
v The
need for “compromise” that entails mutual adjustment of interests and
“concession” (by a “stronger” to a “weaker” clan).
v Revive
Somali and Islamic culture, restore morality and ethics, protect the
traditional clan territory system, and establish a harmonious society.
v Completely
erase and cleanse the pernicious influence of one sub-clan in Puntland Administration.
Abolish all the control and ration systems of monopoly policy makers;
abolish privileged rights of some groups, and realize the goal of equitable
distribution of government posts.
v Finally, practice democratic constitutionalism
and restore people’s land rights, according to both the constitution of
In
conclusion, Puntlanders be aware of the clannish
opportunists masquerading as politicians, who champion the cause of dismemberment
of the Puntland unity, creating systemic tension and
friction within neighboring clans, all in their bid to consolidate and promote
their ulterior economic and political interests. Puntlanders should
inform their leaders the need to bring government nearer to the people, the
need for unity, and the need to reduce clan tensions. All of these sums up opportunities for
political, spiritual, and economic development coupled with greater share of
government resources. Remember, Puntland unity by peaceful means is an exploit that
deserves a millennium.
The Roobdoon Forum
[1] In this paper, all Somali
personal names, clan names, and places are in Somali script. In Somali script: the letter x is
comparable to the Arabic ح; for example, Ahmed becomes Axmed; c
= ع;
Ali becomes
[2] Donald Horowitz, “ Democracy in Divided Societies,” in Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Democracy, edited by Larry Diamond and Marc Plattner (John Hopkins University Press, 1994), 35.
[3] Human Rights Watch
[4] See the
writings of the few European travelers who succeeded to penetrate the
mentioning the seaport of
Bandar Qaasim as early as 1843:
W. Christopher, “Extract from a Journal by Lieut. W. Christopher, Commanding the H. C. Brig of War 'Tigris,' on the E. Coast of Africa. Dated 8th May, 1843,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London,
I. N. Cruttenden,
“On
[5] Giulio Baldacci, “The Promontory of cape Guardafui,” Journal of the Royal African Society, Vol.9, No. 33, (Oct., 1909): 60.
[6] Alan Zarembo,
“Somali City a Refuge from Anarchy,” The Globe and Mail,
[7] Stephen Buckley, “No
Government? No Problem,
[8] Richard P. Werbner, “Small Man Politics and the Rule of Law:
Centre-periphery Relations in
[9] Yemi Osinbajo, “Legality in a Collapsed State: The Somali Experience,” The International and Comparative Law Quarterly, Vol. 45, No. 4 (Oct., 1996): 916.
[10] Human Rights Watch
[11] Catherine D. Papastathopoulos, “Constitutionalism and Communalism: The
Case of Cyprus”, The
[12] Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 1968).
[13] See Wardeernews.com (editorial,
7th of July, 2005); and Biyokulule.com (
[14] Gordon White, “Civil Society, Democratization, and Development,” in Democratization in the South: the Jagged Wave, edited by Robin Luckham and Gordon White, (Manchester University Press, 1996), 198.
[15] In the event of great drought, a roobdoon event is arranged and certain sheiks must be asked to lead it. When these sheiks arrive, many people of the village or area assemble and follow the religious instructions and prayers assigned to them by the sheikhs. Usually, the participants are instructed to walk on the streets of the village, while chanting prayer rituals and asking Allah to let rain fall. Many Somalis believe that this event of rain-seeking/making rarely fails.
[16] Eric A. Nordlinger, Conflict Regulations in Divided Societies (Cambridge: Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 1972), pp.21-29.